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Showing posts with label African-American. Show all posts
Showing posts with label African-American. Show all posts

Thursday, January 19, 2012

Some Thoughts On Mr Marcus Garvey

A few days ago I finished reading a collection of writings and speeches by Marcus Garvey. The book I read is this one. If nothing else, Garvey was certainly quite a character. The book has writings and speeches made before, during and after his convictions for mail fraud, and throughout each phase he relentlessly attacks W.E.B. Du Bois and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, often writing out the organisation's name with quotation marks around the word 'colored' as if to mimic it.


Ultimately, however, he comes across as someone who is both scared of, and not interested in, social equality. Indeed, he leaves the advocating of social equality firmly with the NAACP. His 'back to Africa' stance relies upon the unquestioned glorification of Africa by his followers. It's difficult to know just how many people really did back Garvey, as he is known to have exaggerated his following. Many of his attacks on Du Bois are personal, tit-for-tat contributions. There's little substance attacked (seemingly) be either man. Du Bois attacked Garvey because he was from the West Indies and a printer's apprentice; Garvey attacked Du Bois because he was light skinned, had a little Dutch (i.e. European) blood in him and apparently considered himself socially above the average black man.

Regardless of whether you back the UNIA and Garvey or Du Bois and the NAACP, Marcus Garvey's rhetorical brilliance really shines through in this volume. He employs long, eloquent lists of three in his public speaking and uses repartition to excellent affect. The occasional humourous reference is even communicated well. One can easily see why many African Americans chose to support him. Whilst his glorification of Africa and its history is fanciful, he certainly raises some interesting point on ancient Abyssinia.

Of course, the scariest aspect of the book is his alliance with the Ku Klux Klan. Exactly how he can consider himself as being cut from the same cloth as the KKK is quite beyond me. He may have considered it a smart observation to note that the UNIA and the KKK were working towards the same goal (i.e. emptying the United States of America of all Black people), but that doesn't necessarily mean he had to meet with the Acting Imperial Wizard in Atlanta, GA, does it?

Wednesday, April 21, 2010

On Caroline Lee Hentz's "The Planter's Northern Bride"

Throughout Caroline Lee Hentz’s The Planter’s Northern Bride, nothing is more misunderstood and grossly misrepresented than the history of Africa. “For thousands of years past,” writes Hentz, “the Africans have existed in their own country as a separate people, free, as they came from the hands of God; yet what one solitary step have they taken in the great march of civilisation, beneath whose majestic tramp the universe is resounding?” Here, and elsewhere, Hentz fails to communicate the single most important fact which the history of Africa holds dearest: human civilisation and human existence began there. Archaeological discoveries throughout the Sahara and other parts of Africa predate anywhere else on Earth by thousands of years.

In addition to this, the biggest change Africa ever witnessed was what we might call ‘the coming of the white man.’ True, the European trader did not bring the concept of slavery with him: it had been a common practice throughout Africa for thousands of years, as it had throughout the Arab world. The Arab slave traders were trading in African flesh before the white man had barely conceived of a world beyond the Mediterranean. Quite how Hentz can call Africa “separate” when they traded flesh and other goods with Arab peoples is frankly bewildering.

The earliest Portuguese missionaries and explorers took Christianity with them to what was then the Kingdom of the Kongo. This imperial federation of the fifteenth century had approximately two to three million people, and surprised the white evangelists by how similar its social structure was to social stratification back in Europe. There was a monarch; the monarch was chosen by an assembly of clan leaders; the king had in his possession symbols of royal authority; he reviewed his troops; he sat on a throne; away from the king, distances were measured by marching days; and for longer periods of time the lunar month was used. The Portuguese grudgingly recognised in the kingdom a sophisticated and well-developed state.[1] Since then, “the great march of civilisation” as Hentz uses it has left a scar from east to west and from north to south on the breast of Africa, carved there not by native African implements, but by European revolvers and pistols, and by the financial greed and material desire of ‘men’. If Hentz is unwilling to recognise the sophistication and progress of chiefdoms such as the Kingdom of the Kongo, then her blindness to historical fact renders her manuscript void.

1 Adam Hochschild. King Leopold’s Ghost: A Story of Greed, Terror and Heroism in Colonial Africa. London: Macmillan, 1998.

Tuesday, April 20, 2010

On Kara Walker's "Gone, An Historical Romance of a Civil War as It Occurred Between the Dusky Thighs of One Young Negress and Her Heart"

The last part of Kara Walker’s installation Gone, An Historical Romance of a Civil War as It Occurred Between the Dusky Thighs of One Young Negress and Her Heart from 1994 shows a black silhouette literally flying away. Under such a title as the one above, this figure encapsulates the leaving of slavery from the South: it rises up and is banished. Apologies for the quality of the following image.


On another level, however, the figure encapsulates the African American myth / folklore of the slave who, without growing wings or feathers, took off and flew back to his spiritual homeland, and out of bondage. This myth acts as the crux of Toni Morrison’s 1977 novel Song of Solomon, and in many ways this section of Walker’s installation acts as a depiction of the final scene from that novel.











The figure in the air represents the character of Milkman, leaping as Shalimar had, to ride the air. On top of the rock, there sits a round object with possibly a rose coming out of it, which can be understood as the bag Pilate had carried the bones in to bury them. The figure in the bottom left hand corner which looks like a head rising out of the water is Guitar, shrouded in mystery as he tries once again to kill Milkman. The large unorthodox protruding stomach of Milkman’s figure represents the weight of his family history, literally the burden of all he has learnt of his eccentric family history.

Thursday, April 15, 2010

Hollywood and Historical Fact

Gone With The Wind remains one of the most watched and celebrated films of all time, and its popularity today is encapsulated by a 70th anniversary edition DVD release. The film endures for the same reasons it was an instant success at the box office in 1939 (the romantic love triangle in the face of adversity, nostalgia for a bygone, apparently simpler, era, etc.), and the very fact that it continues to enjoy such popularity is perhaps telling of the United States true inability to fully recover from the civil war. Furthermore, for a film which premiered in Atlanta, GA, and thus barred Hattie McDaniel and the other black actors and actresses from attending its first screening, Gone With The Wind embodies the perpetuating covert racism which will seemingly forever endure in the United States.


As Edward Campbell has noted, the 1960’s and the on-set of the Civil Rights Movement allowed Hollywood to reconsider the plantation film in a more honest light. Yet the fact that a more historically accurate (and honest) portrayal of plantation life for African Americans has not even reached half the heights of Gone With The Wind underscores that, when faced with a choice between the comforting myth and the harsh reality, Americans will almost always sacrifice historical fact.

Monday, April 12, 2010

How Is Transgressing One Boundary Of Identity Inextricably Linked With Transgressing Other Boundaries In Nella Larsen’s Novels Quicksand And Passing?

The debate as to whether Nella Larsen’s work can be rightly tagged as ‘tragic mulatto’ fiction is a complex one. And while this is an important argument to consider, the issue of class in Larsen’s Quicksand and Passing has often been put to one side. It remains, however, a critical factor and a key concern of Helga Crane, Irene Redfield and Clare Kendry, whether they are conscious of it or not. The factions of race, class and gender are all interwoven and inextricably linked within the texts, and cannot (and should not) be considered in isolation from one another. The issue of class feeds into the racialisation of the novels and is of at least equal significance as to whether or not Quicksand and Passing should be labelled as ‘tragic mulatto’.

It is therefore necessary to first consider the relationship between ‘race’ and ‘class’, bearing in mind the historical period in which Larsen was writing (Quicksand first appeared in 1928, with Passing just a year later). I will then define ‘white America’ in relation to both Quicksand and Passing, and contextualise its stratifying forces with regard to, firstly, African American society as a whole, and secondly, to the smaller communities Helga Crane transgresses into and out of, and I will define where she is placed within that stratification.

Without approaching the issue monocausallly, it has been observed that the strongest and singularly most important bond between the two stratifying forces of race and class is that of skin tone. As Verna Keith and Cedric Herring have observed, “light skin color continued to be a distinctive characteristic of upper-class status and to shape the opportunity structure in the black community well into the 1920s” [1] (emphasis mine). At the close of the Civil War, light skinned African Americans emerged at the top in terms of social stratification in black communities (they held a monopoly in that position for the next 50 years, according to Keith and Herring), and their occupations were one of a small number: the small businessman; the skilled labourer; service workers with white clientele; or a sprinkling of professionals. [2] Larsen’s manipulation of this long and widely understood set of conventions is indisputable: Irene’s husband Brian is a doctor (playing the role of the professional), and Clare, in her younger days, is described as “the daughter of Mr. Bob Kendry, who, it was true, was a janitor, but who also, it seemed, had been in college with some of their fathers.” [3] In some instances the class structure as defined by one’s occupation usurps race in importance, i.e. connections are made across the colour line through ties of class similarities. Larsen utilises this complexity in the minor character of Gertrude, another light skinned African American, who, when she married Fred Martin (a white man), was marrying a man who inherited from his father the local meat market, making him a small businessman. Indeed, on account of its moving to the more lavish sounding Maryland Avenue from the more ordinary Cottage Grove, the meat market appears to be doing an exceptional trade. [4] Nevertheless, the fact that this complexity is of very little significance to the structure, plot and outcome of the story reflects that, in the late 1920’s, such crossings of the colour line based on class (and more specifically occupation) were extremely rare. It is here where the novels of Quicksand and Passing gain their ‘depth’ with regard to class: Larsen manipulates these given understandings of the social fabric in a way which intertwines with, encroaches on, and (more often than not) eventually refutes the white world.

But what is the ‘white world’? And why is it refuted? If one looks at the United States in the 1920’s, one sees the nation becoming indisputably the richest country in the world, with share prices constantly rising and with no sign of them ever falling. Even if one had no money, the ‘hire purchase’ was there to supply the goods instantly, with payment spread across the coming months and years. This was an America based around modern consumerism and unprecedented consumption of material goods. Whether it was refrigerators, wirelesses or Ford Model T automobiles, happiness, it appeared, was quite for sale, even if you did not have the money just at that time.

At least, this is what the high school history learning resources say. [5] For those with the blood of former slaves running through their veins, reality often afforded no such pleasures. With the repealing of reconstruction came disfranchisement. Second class citizenship became the norm through Jim Crow legislation, and extremely limited access to the nation’s growing wealth was thus part of the raw deal for African Americans. Added to which, the fear of lynching and the rule of the mob in many southern states cemented African Americans as being less than whites, and very often less than human. Those of mixed heritage, however, were, as has been described previous, closer to the white standing in the stratification of the social order of the United States as a whole than darker skinned African Americans. Their ‘passing’ into and out of the ‘white world’ gave them more access to (or at the very least a better glimpse of) ‘white privilege’ and ‘wages of whiteness’ (to use David Roediger’s phrase), than their darker skinned brothers.

The life of Helga Crane in Quicksand is one mixed with varying degrees of contact with white values, standards, and norms. By the time the novel comes to a close, she has limited contact with whiteness. Whilst Helga was portrayed as somewhat apprehensive about returning to the United States from Denmark, she has a sudden revelation on the streets of Harlem once she was there: “these were her people” [6] (Larsen’s emphasis). From then on, she heads along a confused path, culminating in her residing in rural Alabama as the wife of Reverend Mr. Pleasant Green. Her physical move to the south is an authentic journey away from white economic superiority in New York City, which provides the financial underpinning of white values and beliefs. She literally turns her back on these and walks in the opposite direction. From early on in the story, her lack of concern for financial wellbeing sets her apart from a lot of her fellow instructors at Naxos:

She hated to admit that money was the most serious difficulty. Knowing full well that it was important, she nevertheless rebelled at the unalterable truth that it could influence her actions block her desires. A sordid necessity to be grappled with. With Helga it was almost a superstition that to concede to money its importance magnified its power. Still, in spite of her reluctance and distaste, her financial situation would have to be faced, and plans made, if she were to get away from Naxos with anything like the haste she now so ardently desired. [7]
Helga’s journey can therefore be seen as one of refutation of consumerism, economic power, white power structures, and white values and beliefs: she heads back into the heart of what used to be the black belt, where the white man built an uncivilised society on the foundation of slavery.

The journey in Quicksand is one through distinctly different locations, and the novel observes her closely in each. Naxos, Chicago, New York, Copenhagen in Denmark, New York again, and finally a small village in the depths of Alabama each act as a different canvas and backdrop to put Helga Crane in different places within the social stratification. [8] Helga’s overall journey, when viewed in terms of her standing within the social stratification in relation to class, is one down the social order, regardless of the fact she illustrates an immense capacity of mobility throughout the story which would almost certainly have been beyond the possibilities of most African Americans in the United States. This journey down the social order sets Quicksand at odds with Passing, as no such clear cut path is travelled in that narrative by either Irene or Clare. Indeed, on the face of it, Passing offers a journey-ending conclusion far more destructive than Quicksand, but I will return to this confused resolution later in the paper.

Nevertheless, if we consider Helga in each of the different settings as a separate entity, then another, radically different picture becomes clear. At the start, she lives the life of yet another English teacher at a southern institution geared towards the uplift of a race. I would suggest that her desire for material possessions, which is emphasised very clearly at this point, acts as a signifier of Helga’s inability to completely separate herself from whiteness. She acts as just another instructor at Naxos through her materialism: “[m]ost of her earnings had gone into clothes, into books, into the furnishings of the room which held her.” [9] The fact that they hold her, as well, places her in the palm of a ‘white world’: Helga no longer holds the goods: they hold her in conjunction with the room, which has become an imitation of ‘white’ life.

Helga’s escape from this leads her to Chicago, where it is spelled out to the reader in breathtaking clarity exactly how alone she is: she has no father and her mother is deceased. The reader is given reason to believe that she has only one relative alive in the United States, one Uncle Peter. When his new wife turns Helga away, she literally has no family left (in America at least). As Helga has no siblings, and no parents, and whilst this may not be by choice, it is in stark contrast to the white nuclear family. At this point she is further away from white America and its beliefs and values than at any time she was at Naxos. And, “oddly enough, she felt, too, that she had come home. She, Helga Crane, who had no home.” [10] A new sense of belonging holds Helga in its grip, even though she has apparently never ‘belonged’ anywhere before in her life. Significance rests, also, on the start of this utterance. What comes ‘oddly enough’, is this new sense of an ‘Other’, and this ‘Other’ is her and her life in Chicago: a sensation unique to the African American and absolutely foreign to anybody white. It’s ‘oddly enough’ arrival is made stark to her by the time she was at Naxos, which masked her form such a sensation.

Her nomadacy, of course, continues as the story progresses, as she soon ends up in New York, transfixed by the community in Harlem. The Harlem Larsen describes, and Helga’s relationship to it, is one built outside economic fundamentalism. As Cheryl A. Wall has observed, “for black artists [like Larsen] coming of age in the 1920's the unprecedented urban migrations and the increased freedom of city life provided the background for a spiritual awakening which celebrated the glories of a rediscovered African past and the unique lifestyle of Negro Americans.” [11] The vitality which is bound up and centred around this rediscovered spirituality creates a new America, with new beliefs, goals and dreams, separate from main America where one president declared in the 1920’s that “the chief business of the American people is business.” [12] Harlem is thus set as a black space in the heart of modern economic potency, seemingly hollow due to a strange rejection of money which enthrals Helga: ““But,” said Helga Crane, “what of it? Money isn’t everything. It isn’t even the half of everything. And here we have so much else - and by ourselves. It’s only outside of Harlem among those others that money really counts for everything.”” [13] Helga suddenly shows an awareness of a community which, through its lack of caring about money, distinguishes itself from the white community: it is not specifically a black community; it is explicitly not white. There is no mention of Helga craving for material goods in New York, as she sees a large African American population existing on a deeper level than white consumerism. The shallowness of white consumption is made clear to Helga as she grapples with “a sense of freedom, a release from the feeling of smallness which had hedged her in,” first in Chicago as a child, and later in Naxos. [14] The bonds which tie the fabric of Harlem together as a community are not drawn from wealth and financial power, and hence the stratification of the community in terms of a class structure is drastically altered, though Larsen gives no explicit description of this. Helga appears on the edge of certified classification, and this is something which broadens as a theme once she reaches Copenhagen.

Her expectation of life in Copenhagen is of an even greater freedom. When we see her heading across the Atlantic, we meet her “revelling like a released bird in her returned feeling of happiness and freedom, that blessed sense of belonging to herself alone and not to a race.” [15] The lure of Copenhagen is its ability to make her unclassifiable within the given social stratification while she is there. The status she entertained whilst she was in the United States simply cannot be transferred to Danish society. When Helga tells one old Copenhagener lady she is an African American, Helga notices that the old lady had “become indignant, retorting angrily that, just because she was old and a countrywoman she could not be so easily fooled, for she knew as well as everyone else that Negroes were black and had woolly hair.” [16] If this old lady’s portrayal of Copenhageners’ views towards African Americans is anything close to accurate, Helga’s skin tone twists their racialised understanding so much so that it shatters into pieces: their comprehension of what an African American looks like is destroyed; her racial appearance, centred around the light colour of her skin, makes her unplacable in relation to Danish social order. Her race takes precedent over her class in that it manages to put her outside and beyond the comprehension of the standard organising forces in Denmark. Helga’s race made her unclassifiable. And whilst Danish society in the 1920’s could classify everybody else, it allowed them to gaze out upon this new Other, and Helga does not feel, in the beginning, at least, any resentment about being exhibited. Helga’s position outside the social order gives her more freedom than she has ever had before in her life, and she becomes “incited to make an impression, a voluptuous impression … and after a little while she gave herself up wholly to the fascinating business of being seen, gaped at, desired.” [17] She comprehends the gazing of Copenhageners differently to the gazing of white Americans: the gazes of the former are not, to Helga, inherently abusive, whereas the gazes of the latter are bound up in connotations of ‘keeping one in one’s place’, and thus reinforcing the social structure.

The influence of Copenhagen, an overwhelmingly white European city, plays itself out on the character of Helga. Her transition from the white desire of goods at Naxos to life in Harlem which gave her no such cravings is played out in reverse: “[a]lways she had wanted, not money, but the things which money could give, leisure, attention, beautiful surroundings. Things. Things. Things.” [18] It is important that this remembering of material desires occurs in Copenhagen, and not while Helga is still in Harlem. She is no longer protected from rediscovering her white desires and cravings for consumerism, and the Danes soon set about adorning her physical body with emblems of financial wealth and (white) sophistication. Helga has barely been in Denmark a number of hours before her hosts are telephoning Garborg’s, the local jewellers, and purchasing earrings and bracelets for her. [19]

When the novel ends, Helga is, in terms of location, in a place similar to Naxos: back in the south of the United States. Her residence in a small rural Alabama village places her in another (apparently) entirely black community, yet it is wholly unlike Harlem in terms of landscape, culture and social stratification. Helga’s position is a privileged one, as the private resentment of the other townswomen shows. [20] In this sense, it differs from Naxos. Whilst she may no longer be striving towards ‘racial uplift’ at Naxos, she is very close to the top of the social order within this small community, and garners the face-to-face respect of the washerwomen who are clearly subservient to her. If we consider this position with regard to the stratification of the entire African American population in the late 1920’s, it is safe to say it is one below where she was when we first joined her story: she no longer shows signs of higher education (her life, now, does not require such a liberal education); she no longer shows any concern whatsoever for ‘racial uplift’; and she resides in a small rural village in the deep south still reeling from the abolition of slavery.

Adam Meyer speaks for a number of scholars when he comments that “writers more often than not castigate the very characters who try to cross the line, either killing them off … or having them return to their "proper" place on the "Black side".” [21] Such an observation does not suffice with regard to Helga’s position at the conclusion of Quicksand, though. Whilst it is accurate to state that our protagonist moves from a black community (Naxos) to a white one (Copenhagen) and then back to a black community (rural Alabama), the two black communities are not equal in terms of their positions within the social fabric, and so a fundamental transition has occurred.

So the searching of Helga Crane is one borne out of rebellion against white values and white standards of ‘civilised’ and ‘respectable’ life. When we first join the novel, Helga is an uninspired teacher at the fictional Black southern college of Naxos, although the institution bares strong resemblance to Booker T. Washington’s Tuskegee Institute. Like Tuskegee, it is described as having “grown into a machine. It was now a show place in the black belt, exemplification of the white man’s magnanimity, refutation of the blackman’s inefficiency. Life had died out of it. It was … a big knife with cruelly sharp edges ruthlessly cutting all to pattern, the white man’s pattern.” [22] As Anna Brickhouse has noted, “the prevailing ideology of whiteness in the literary territory of Naxos (an anagram of Saxon, as critics have observed) is inseparable from its aesthetic priorities.” [23] Helga’s desire to leave her job as a teacher in the English department (a professional position) even though she consciously realises she will almost certainly be unable to get another teaching job, is one with implications as regards her class status. While it is worth remembering again that one’s class is certainly not entirely dependent upon one’s occupation, it is one of the main markers of social standing. The ease with which Helga puts her position within the social stratification in the balance highlights a disdain for social order pertaining to class. As the novel proceeds, the reader is painted a picture of how she takes the same stance with regard to the social order in terms of race.

Helga’s desire to leave Naxos is a consequence of her frustration with the school’s teaching methods and its stifling curriculum -- a desire to avoid being cut to the white man’s pattern. Indeed, with the strict enforcement of some of its regulations, Naxos appears to adhere more formerly to white standards than a great many white people do. Helga’s love of clothes catches “the hawk eyes of dean and matrons,” as she adorns the correct attire with “old laces, strange embroideries [and] dim brocades.” The authority figures, narrates Helga, “felt that the colors were queer; dark purples, royal blues, rich greens, deep reds, in soft, luxurious woolens, or heavy, clinging silks.” [24] Larsen manipulates Helga’s desire for bright, flamboyant clothing as a vehicle for emphasising the character’s uneasiness with this potential assimilation with white standards: Helga is understood through this passage to not find white middle class values -- the values which Naxos (and Tuskegee) teaches and holds dear -- as being in any way desirable. Helga Crane encapsulates what the Harlem Renaissance was about for a lot of African Americans: finding a new ‘Africanness’ attractive, and finding it enviable and uplifting in a way which the assimilation of whiteness could not offer. In essence, the Harlem Renaissance offered a higher class existence equal to what the white world could offer for those who cared to ‘pass’, yet it did so in a way which did not cast the ‘African consciousness’ into any subservient position.

During the brief period Nella Larsen was a central figure on the Harlem literary scene, W.E.B. Du Bois was known to hold her in extremely high regard;[25] without putting words into Dr. Du Bois’s mouth, I would suggest that this is partly due to Larsen’s ability to work Du Bois’s concept of double consciousness into her fiction, as she does here. Helga Crane explicitly steps outside Washingtonian uplift and actively searches for her place in the Talented Tenth, a group Du Bois always saw as separate and apart from the Black middle class. [26]

Nella Larsen’s second novel Passing has two main characters whose lives are very different (though not completely polarised), but each lives life in a way that Helga cannot. As Wall puts it, “each assumes a role Helga Crane rejects: Irene is the perfect lady, and Clare, the exotic Other.” [27] Irene’s lifestyle is one centred on her family life. She has a loving husband with a respectable profession, and a young child whom she puts most of her time and effort into caring for. In essence, Irene manages to maintain a white pattern of family life, and her attitudes and behaviour adhere to the white middle class pattern. [28] Furthermore, the transformation into a white structure of life is one which is so complete for Irene that race is, for the majority of the story, of little significance. Indeed, Claudia Tate writes:
The work’s central conflict develops from Irene’s jealousy of Clare and not from racial issues which are at best peripheral to the story. The only time Irene is aware that race even remotely impinges on her world occurs when the impending exposure of Clare’s racial identity threatens to hasten the disruption of Irene’s domestic security. Race, therefore, is not the novel’s foremost concern, but is merely a mechanism for setting the story in motion, sustaining suspense, and bringing about the external circumstances for the story’s conclusion. [29]

Nevertheless, Tate goes too far in her analysis and ends up understating the role race plays in Larsen’s work. After all, it is the transgression of the racial line which gives the novel its thrust and is the reason for the dramatic scene at the end of the book. Whilst it is not the novel’s foremost concern, it is a mechanism for setting the story in motion, it remains an ever-present undercurrent influenced by class, gender and sexuality.

The differing reactions to ‘passing’ from Black people and whites have often a profound effect upon how the person ‘passing’ becomes to be understood. In Passing, the minor character of Felise, who struggles to ‘pass’ is with Irene when she bumps into Clare’s white racist husband Bellew in the street. The racial identity of Irene and Clare is laid bare by the presence of Felise; her reaction once Bellew has gone is one of ambivalence: “Aha! Been ‘passing’ have you? Well, I’ve queered that.” [30] Her reaction is not one of striking judgement and condemnation. Why is this? The white reaction is certainly one borne out of fear, in that it becomes an expression of danger based upon a shift in social culture and challenges social norms: the rationality of such a fear is questionable, though, as whites have no firsthand experience of the phenomenon, and thus their reactions are based on distortions and stereotypes. [31]

In contrast, it is important to consider the depiction of Felise’s reaction as speaking solely on behalf of herself and not for all African Americans. Being careful that we do not generalise, we can read a sense of surprise (“aha!”) quickly followed by the verbalisation of a common deed (“Been ‘passing’, have you?”).The ending of the utterance leaves space for broad interpretation (“Well, I’ve queered that”). From the following conversation, Felise is apologetic for any insult she has made towards Irene. She is not angry at her for ‘passing’, and she shows no sign of bitterness that Irene should ‘pass’ while she is unable to. Ultimately, Felise offers no criticism that she should ‘pass’ into the white world and then out of it once more. The final utterance is loaded with shared knowledge between Irene and Felise: the understanding that this ‘passing’ has happened before in history, that it is happening again now, and that it will undoubtedly happen again in the future. On one level, it is communicated as a shared sin, but it can also be understood as a prideful thing to do, that the transgression and queering of the colour line which Irene (and also Clare) is able to undertake is a gesture of race pride in that some African Americans can achieve it, benefit from it (benefit according to white standards, though), and then cross back into the Black world and be Black and proud once more.

That much, for sure, is revealed through the contextualisation of ‘queer’ here. [32] On one level, Felise’s reaction seems to reinforce Adrian Piper’s generalised observation that African Americans “do not ‘out’ people who are passing as white in the European American community.” [33] Piper’s pitying remark that those who ‘pass’ are “already in so much pain that it's just not possible to do something that you know is going to cause [them] any more” [34] is misguided with regard to Larsen’s portrayal of Felise here. There is no acknowledgment from Felise of weakness and neediness on the part of her light skinned companion(s), and the crux of this is built around a notion of rebellion against the system. ‘Passing’ becomes, for some African American observers, including Felise, an act of rebellion not against whiteness, the Othering effect of whiteness or even white America as a whole, but against the system because the system is a white one. The system is made white because it is white people who held a monopoly with regard to the power structures which set the boundaries, whether those boundaries were concerned with the ‘one drop’ rule, or the drawing up and enforcement of Jim Crow legislation.

Furthermore, the “I’ve queered that” relies entirely upon the vagueness of the definition of ‘queer’ for its ambiguity. The Oxford English Dictionary offers no set explanation as to what ‘queer’ means: as an adjective, it means “[s]trange, odd, peculiar, eccentric. Also: of questionable character; suspicious, dubious.” The same entry further down offers “[o]ut of sorts; unwell; faint, giddy” as another definition. [35] To further complicate matters, ‘queer’ has a second entry in the OED, offering “[b]ad; contemptible, worthless; untrustworthy; disreputable” as a definition. [36] Larsen manipulates the distinct lack of clarity afforded to the word ‘queer’ and uses it consistently throughout both Quicksand and Passing a total of twenty three times. Judith Butler’s observation that it “did not yet mean homosexual, but it did encompass an array of meanings associated with the deviation from normalcy which might well include the sexual” is one useful explanation. [37] Therefore the lack of clarity based upon meanings associated with deviations from normalcy serves conjunctively between the transgression of both racial and sexual boundaries. It is upon this one word which these boundaries become confused. Examples of this are not hard to find, and in Passing they often share adjoining pages, and yet the contextualisation of ‘queer’ alters its meaning from one to do with race to one linked with sexual desire. [38]

But what about boundaries of class? Does class even apply to the dynamic described above? Rosemary Hennessy has written that, “[l]ending a new elasticity to the categories “lesbian” and “gay”, “queer” embraces a proliferation of sexualities … and the compounding of outcast positions along racial, ethnic, and class, as well as sexual lines - none of which is acknowledged by the neat binary division between hetero- and homosexual.” [39] Although Hennessy deals with ‘queer’ in an explicitly sexualised way (which, it would appear, is now the norm), even Larsen’s employment of the word breeds new elasticity into concepts of race and sexual desire. This newfound flexibility impacts upon how class works in conjunction with (and against) the two. An ‘outcast position’ along class lines undoubtedly means a lower status in terms of that stratifying force. From the beginning through the end of Larsen’s Passing, this is not yet the case: the sexual desire remains spoken / is not discovered by surrounding characters, thus class status is in no way compromised.

Fictional accounts of ‘passing’, whilst just that (fictional), remain of great value to historians and also contemporary cultural critics. Berzon is quite correct to establish a firm link between fiction and reality: “fictional accounts of the black bourgeoisie … have a corresponding historical reality.” [40] Helga Crane’s encapsulation of the African essence of the Harlem Renaissance and its capacity for ‘uplift’ is symbolic of what was happening within the African American community during the 1920’s, and the problems of ‘passing’ so forthrightly dealt with in Larsen’s second novel are the markers of a then-emerging new black culture -- one with class distinctions built on and around racial pride. At the time, this new black culture may have been a response to hegemonic (and repressive) white society, but it soon became a movement on its own, thanks in part to the dynamic fiction of writers such as Nella Larsen, Langston Hughes, James Weldon Johnson and countless others. Larsen’s portrayal of Helga Crane as a chameleon-like person who could be one thing in one setting and another in entirely new surroundings -- this in itself cannot be achieved in the fullness Larsen describes by simply crossing one single boundary. Moreover, the boundary of race is blurred by Helga on so many occasions and in so many different ways that it relies upon and impacts upon her social stratification in terms of her class. Larsen’s sharp use of language, like the word ‘queer’ in both her works, confound an elasticity amongst all ontological categories that they almost always grow malleable together.

Notes
1 Verna M. Keith and Cedric Herring, “Skin Tone and Stratification in the Black Community”, in The American Journal of Sociology, 97, 3 (Nov., 1991): 764.
2 Ibid., 763.
3 Nella Larsen, Quicksand & Passing (London: Serpent’s Tail, 2001): 154
4 Ibid., 166-7.
5 . Accessed December 30, 2009.
6 Larsen, 95.
7 Ibid., 6.
8 Larsen was not reinventing the genre of the passing narrative by manipulating the use of different locations. Quicksand is set partially in Europe, something which bears great similarity not only to Larsen’s own life, but to the narrative of James Weldon Johnson’s The Autobiography of an Ex-Colored Man (London: Dover Thrift, 1995). Johnson is considered to be the first writer to seriously employ Europe as a space for change in this genre.
9 Larsen, 6.
10 Ibid., 30.
11 Cheryl A. Wall, “Paris and Harlem: Two Culture Capitals”, in Phylon, 35, 1 (1st Qtr., 1974): 64.
12 This statement by Calvin Coolidge is very often mis-quoted as “the business of the government is business.” The following two sentences of this speech given before a group of national newspaper editors in 1925 further emphasise white America’s love affair with consurism and fiscal wealth: “[t]hey are profoundly concerned with producing, buying, selling, investing and prospering in the world. I am strongly of opinion that the great majority of people will always find these are moving impulses of our life.” Calvin Coolidge, “The Press Under a Free Government.” Jan 17, 1925. Calvin Coolidge Memorial Foundation. January 11, 2010. _under_a_free_governm.html>
13 Larsen, 46.
14 Ibid., 46.
15 Ibid., 64.
16 Ibid., 76.
17 Ibid., 74.
18 Ibid., 67.
19 Ibid., 69.
20 Ibid., 119.
21 Adam Meyer, “Not Entirely Strange, but Not Entirely Friendly Either: Images of Jews in African American Passing Novels through the Harlem Renaissance”, in African American Review, 38, 3 (Autumn 2004): 442.
22 Larsen, 4.
23 Anna Brickhouse, “Nella Larsen and the Intertextual Geography of Quicksand”, in African American Review, 35, 4 (Winter 2001): 539.
24 Larsen, 18.
25 W.E.B. Du Bois is quoted as saying Larsen produced “on the whole, the best piece of fiction that Negro America has produced since the heyday of Chestnutt.”
26 W.E.B. Du Bois, “The Talented Tenth,” in The Negro Problem.
27 Cheryl Wall, “Passing for What? Aspects of Identity in Nella Larsen’s Novels”, in Black American Literature Forum, 20, 1/2 (Spring - Summer 1986): 105.
28 Judith Berzon, Neither White Nor Black: The Mulatto Character in American Fiction (New York: New York U.P., 1978): 168.
29 Claudia Tate, “Nella Larsen’s Passing: A Problem of Interpretation”, in Black American Literature Forum, 14, 4 (Winter 1980): 143.
30 Larsen, 227.
31 Berzon, 145.
32 This is a case-in-point of Butler’s observation that queering works as the exposure within language of both sexuality and race, in Judith Butler, Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of “Sex” (London: Routledge, 1993): 176.
33 Adrian Piper, “Passing for White, Passing for Black”, in Transition, 58 (1992): 14.
34 Ibid., 14-5.
35 “queer, adj.1” OED Online. Sept. 2009. Oxford University Press. Dec. 29, 2009. .
36 “queer, adj.2 and n.1” OED Online. Sept. 2009. Oxford University Press. Dec. 29, 2009. .
37 Butler, 176.
38 On page 171 of the Serpent’s Tail edition, ‘queer’ is used to express possible hidden sexual desire, as Larsen writes “[i]n Claire’s eyes … was a queer gleam, a jeer it might be. Irene couldn’t define it.” On the very next page, Larsen uses it as an expression to do with racial etiquette: “[f]rom Gertrude’s direction came a queer little suppressed sound…”
39 Rosemary Hennessy, “Queer Visibility in Commodity Culture”, in Cultural Critique, 29 (Winter 1994-5): 34.
40 Berzon, 163.

Bibliography
Berzon, Judith R. Neither Black Nor White: The Mulatto Character in American Fiction. New York: New York U.P., 1978.

Brickhouse, Anna. “Nella Larsen and the Intertextual Geography of Quicksand.” African American Review. 35.4 (Winter 2001): 533 - 560.

Butler, Judith. Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of Sex. London: Routledge, 1993.

Coolidge, Calvin. “The Press Under a Free Government.” Calvin Coolidge Memorial Foundation. Jan 17, 1925. Jan. 11, 2010.

Du Bois, W.E.B. Souls of Black Folk. London: Dover Thrift, 1994.

Frazier, E. Franklin. Black Bourgeoisie. London: Simon & Schuster, 1997.

Goellnicht, Donald C. “Passing as Autobiography: James Weldon Johnson's The Autobiography of an Ex-Coloured Man.” African American Review. 30.1 (Spring 1996): 17 - 33.

Hennessy, Rosemary. “Queer Visibility in Commodity Culture.” Cultural Critique. 29 (Winter 1994-5): 31 - 76.

Hutchinson, George. “Nella Larsen and the Veil of Race.” American Literary History. 9.2 (Summer 1997): 329 - 349.

Johnson, James Weldon. The Autobiography of an Ex-Colored Man. London: Dover Thrift, 1995.

Keith, Verna M. and Cedric Herring. “Skin Tone and Stratification in the Black Community.” The American Journal of Sociology. 97. 3 (Nov., 1991): 760 - 778.

Landry, Bart. “A Reinterpretation of the Writings of Frazier on the Black Middle Class.” Social Problems. 26.2 (Dec. 1978): 211 - 222.

Larsen, Nella. Quicksand & Passing. London: Serpent’s Tail, 2001.

Meyer, Adam. “Not Entirely Strange, but Not Entirely Friendly Either: Images of Jews in African American Passing Novels through the Harlem Renaissance.” African American Review. 38.3 (Autumn 2004): 441 - 450.

Piper, Adrian. “Passing for White, Passing for Black.” Transition. 58 (1992): 4 - 32.

“queer, adj.1” OED Online. Sept. 2009. Oxford University Press. Dec. 29, 2009. .

“queer, adj.2 and n.1” OED Online. Sept. 2009. Oxford University Press. Dec. 29, 2009. .

Reuter, Edward B. The Mulatto in the United States. New York: Negro U.P., 1969.

Somerville, Siobhan. Queering the Color Line: Race and the Invention of Homosexuality in American Culture. London: Duke U.P., 2000.

Sullivan, Nell. “Nella Larsen's Passing and the Fading Subject.” African American Review. 32.3 (Autumn 1998): 373 - 386.

Tate, Claudia. “Nella Larsen’s Passing: A Problem of Interpretation.” Black American Literature Forum. 14.4 (Winter 1980): 142 - 146.

Truman, Chris. “America in the 1920’s.” History Learning Site. Dec. 30, 2009.

Twombly, Robert C. Blacks in White America Since 1865: Issues and Interpretations. New York: McKay Company, INC., 1971.

Wald, Gayle. Crossing the Line: Racial Passing in Twentieth-Century U.S. Literature and Culture. London: Duke U.P., 2000.

Wall, Cheryl A. “Paris and Harlem: Two Culture Capitals.” Phylon. 35.1 (1st Qtr., 1974): 64 - 73.

---. “Passing for What? Aspects of Identity in Nella Larsen’s Novels.” Black American Literature Forum. 20.1/2 (Spring - Summer 1986): 97 - 111.

Washington, Booker T., et al. The Negro Problem. New York: James Pott and Company, 1903.

Zack, Naomi. Race and Mixed Race. Philadelphia: Temple U.P., 1993.

(c) Daniel C. Wright, 2009. All Rights Reserved.

Tuesday, April 14, 2009

The Leadership of W.E.B. Du Bois and the N.A.A.C.P.

The concept of leadership and more specifically racial leadership is similar to the concept of race itself: it is widely spoken of and is debated in many varying arenas, but a precise definition is rarely given. Leaders, it should be remembered, very seldom emerge prior to the movement which they then speak on behalf of. In the overwhelming majority of historical examples, it is the case that ‘leaders’, whether they be social, political, economic or cultural leaders, emerge from movements which they later go on to represent in some capacity.

If we consider this in relation to the life of W.E.B. Du Bois between 1899 and 1934[1], then it is plain to see that an analysis of the general feeling of the time must be conducted, in order to successfully characterise Du Bois’s “leadership” of African Americans[2]. In Souls of Black Folk, Du Bois concerns himself in the third chapter entirely with the leadership epistemology of Booker T. Washington, who at the time was the foremost African American contributor on the race issue. There is an underlying sense early on in “Of Mr. Booker T. Washington and Others” that a new style of leadership is urgently required -- one which is more representative of the African American community than the Washingtonian epistemology, which is commonly referred to as accomodationist today. Du Bois identifies tensions within the African American community which cannot be expressed or communicated to the larger American world; the tension exists because, according to Du Bois, there was never any whole-hearted support among African Americans for Booker T. Washington. As Du Bois noted, “it startled to hear a Negro advocating such a programme … it silenced if it did not convert the Negroes themselves.[3]” The silence, Du Bois argued, was doing untold damage to the plight of the African in America. One can only speculate as to the personal reasons why Du Bois went on in the coming years to speak on behalf of these people (and in opposition to Washington), but the fact that he did suggests that the development of his leadership grew out of a feeling of contempt for the status quo of the time.

Kilson (2000) outlines the theoretical differences between Washington’s leadership and Du Bois’s leadership: he classifies Washington as favouring a social organisation type leadership model and refers to Du Bois’s leadership as guidance type or mobilisation type leadership[4]. Kilson interprets Booker T.’s address to the 1895 Atlanta Exposition as a clear rejection of the mobilisation type leadership which would later characterise Du Bois’s leadership, and he is certainly right to do so. By insisting that citizens of the South of both races should “cast down [their] buckets where they are[5]” and stating that “in all things that are purely social we can be as separate as the fingers, yet one as the hand in all things essential[6]”, Washington devotes himself to the acceptance of the present conditions of the South and is happy to accept gradual progress.

Moore (2003) characterises Washington’s Atlanta Compromise speech as being conclusive of Washington’s overall political ideology. Her observation that “Washington stress[ed] conservative themes about how blacks could use the [Atlanta] exposition to showcase their accomplishments rather than push for political rights[7]” underscores the lack of forethought in Washington’s stance. His concern was about showing what the black man had achieved in the past, in the belief that the white man would benevolently bestow full human and civil rights on both black men and women, without explicit political pressure from black America.

The power of the Tuskegee machine made it difficult if not wholly impossible for any other African American to challenge Washington’s accomodationist policy. As a result, without any contest Washington’s epistemology became the white status quo interpretation of the race problem from the African American point of view. In the period building up to the establishment of the Niagara Movement, which would lay the basis for the NAACP, Du Bois touches upon a frustration which marked the first decade of the new century: “usually … criticism has not found open expression.[8]”

What Washington failed to take into account was that by accepting the present social conditions of the South, he was asking the African American to remain a second class citizen for as long as the white race felt it necessary to ‘keep them in their place’, to use a popular phrase of the time. This fact did not escape the notice of Du Bois: “Mr. Washington’s programme practically accepts the alleged inferiority of the Negro races.[9]” When we therefore consider this explicit disfranchisement of the African American (especially in the South) in 1895, Washington’s speech to the Atlanta Exposition reads almost as a preface to the ruling in the U.S Supreme Court case of Plessy vs. Ferguson of 1896, which of course made segregation constitutional as long as facilities for both races were ‘separate but equal’.

Kilson neglects to suggest a reason as to why Washington so explicitly abandoned a mobilisation type leadership model, and why he so eagerly embraced a leadership style built around social organisation. His well-publicised involvement with white philanthropists is, I think, only one of the reasons. Another contributing factor can be found in Washington’s upbringing[10].

Booker T. Washington was born a slave, who, once freed by the Emancipation Proclamation, spent his life searching for an education. Naturally, he became principle of a new school at Tuskegee when the opportunity arose, and from there he sought to help people of his own race. He spent his life teaching essentially manual labour skills, believing they were the best skills to help African Americans prove their worth to white America. In short, Washington rose up from the lowest class (what in today’s society would be the working class), and I would suggest that this left him unable to envision a society where pure equality equated to an absolute meritocracy. To offer guidance, it is necessary to be able to see the road ahead and to see where you are going; Washington probably felt himself unable to offer such guidance because the United States at that time was not a classless meritocracy.

In contrast to this, the growth of W.E.B. Du Bois as a leader begins with him being brought up in the heart of New England, and enjoying privileges Washington could have only dreamed of when he was a slave child. His experiences in Massachusetts showed him in essence how good life could be, though not completely void of racial discrimination[11]. When he studied at Fisk University, however, he soon learned that some citizens could not live like he had done when growing up because of the colour of their skin. As a consequence, Du Bois was steered by his life experiences towards a guidance type or mobilisation type leadership model because of his class, and how his better than average upbringing meant little or nothing in the South, where his skin colour was the only thing that mattered to white America.

Nevertheless, the drawback for Du Bois was that he was an exception to most people of his race. As White notes: “Unlike Booker T. Washington, Du Bois always felt himself apart from the mass of Negroes and, for significant periods of his life was definitely out of step with orthodox black responses to such issues as socialism, Marxism, and Pan-Africanism.[12]” While Du Bois’s upbringing meant he had the power to vividly convey to them a distinctly better life, it also distanced him from them on the basis of intra-racial class politics. I would suggest that this is the primary reason for Du Bois holding the power to his leadership in his pen[13], and not in stirring orations, as Martin Luther King would become famous for.

In conjunction with this, it can be said that the ideological differences between Du Bois and Washington reflect the personal differences between the two men, and in particular their contrasting upbringings. Early on in his life, Du Bois erred on the side of protest rather than leaning towards accomodationism. As Moore explains: “[Du Bois] wrote stirring calls to arms against racial discrimination in local politics.[14]” Her observation that “Du Bois’s articles for the [New York] Globe reflected what would be the basis of his own philosophy in years to come.[15]” reinforces the idea that a protest movement against racial injustice had been building from as far back as the time of Du Bois’s birth in the 1860’s.

It is possible to read “Of Mr. Booker T. Washington and Others” as a Du Boisian manifesto. The style of the essay and the way it is written contributes to this, as Du Bois lists on three separate lines the three things Washington “distinctly asks that the black people give up, at least for the present[16]”; shortly after this, Du Bois lists, in the same way, three unsatisfactory things which have occurred as direct or indirect results of the Washingtonian policy; a triple paradox of Washington’s career is then listed by Du Bois not long after, and then Du Bois lists three things he demands: “Such men feel bound in conscience bound to ask of this nation three things:
1. The right to vote.
2. Civic equality.
3. The education of youth according to ability.[17]”
Du Bois does this so as to polarise himself as the direct opposite to Booker T. Washington. The polarisation is spelt out unmistakably to the reader.

Once Washington had passed away in 1915, the accomodationist leadership of African Americans was usurped as the mainstream ideology, though in truth it had begun to die away once the NAACP was born. With Washington’s death, no one stood up and continued to speak on behalf of black conservatives. The growth of Crisis, the journal of the NAACP under the editorship of Du Bois’ had been phenomenal. In November 1910 it had a circulation of 1,000 copies; less than twelve months later it was selling 16,000 copies a month[18]. The Tuskegee machine was finally breached by Du Bois’s charismatic and elegant editorials which stirred the black men who read them.

The philosophy which Crisis embodied stemmed from the Niagara Movement which came into being in July 1905. As General Secretary, Du Bois strongly insisted direct action was a political necessity if the African American race was going to achieve anything, any time soon. As Moore notes, “the focus of the Niagara Movement was to encourage action and open protest to challenge racism and discrimination.[19]” Five years later, Crisis -- the main organ of the NAACP -- was setting out with the same principles of the former movement, indicating only subtle changes in Du Bois’s leadership between 1905 and 1910.

With Crisis and the NAACP now front and centre with regard to the race problem in the United States, Du Bois was free to practice his mobilisation type leadership which would bridge the gap between Washington’s accomodationist leadership and Martin Luther King’s civil rights leadership. Indeed, many of the sentiments Du Bois expressed so forcefully would have not looked out of place in the 1960’s. His plainly spoken attacks on discrimination, lynchings and social disfranchisement elevated Crisis to new heights, as it grew into the best-known black journal in the United States[20]. It was more successful that the poorly-named The Moon, the journal of the Niagara Movement, for two main reasons: first, it had more substantial financial backing. The main characters of the Niagara Movement (John Hope, William Monroe Trotter, F.H.M. Murray et al) had been joined by people who left the Washington camp between 1905 and 1910 (Kelly Miller, Mary Church Terrell, Archibald Grimké[21]). The combination of the two groups into the amalgamation of the NAACP made for a more viable economic organisation.

The second reason was Du Bois’s editorship. His ability to simplify the racial issues made the journal popular among people of his own race, whilst at the same time it made white America sit up and take notice. As Paul Robeson put it: “We Negro students joined the NAACP which Dr. Du Bois helped to organise and build; we read religiously Crisis of which he was editor for so many years, and in which he wrote clearly, constructively and militantly on the complex problems of the American scene.[22]” Without such innovative militantism, the financial clout would not have been able to achieve as much. But with Du Bois at the helm, the journal practically paid for itself by the time of the Great War[23].

Education remained an important concept for Du Bois, and in 1920’s Darkwater: Voices from Within the Veil he once more expressed its civilising qualities: “We would say, "No civilized state should have citizens too ignorant to participate in government," and this statement is but a step to the fact: that no state is civilized which has citizens too ignorant to help rule it.[24]” Du Bois’s emphasis on the importance of education was similar though not the same to Washington’s, as is mentioned in the next chapter. The difference, however, lies in Du Bois speaking of education as a stepping stone to political involvement and political inclusion, in a country where the black man had been hitherto exiled from the political arena.

Ultimately, however, a leader is not a leader unless he had men following him. The great tragedy of Du Bois’s time as editor of Crisis is that is influence failed to spread further than it did. He was almost always at odds with the NAACP executives, and when he very publicly resigned the editorship of the journal in 1934, in the hope that prominent African Americans would rally around him, he realised he had erred in not attempting to influence the organization more directly[25]. The power of his leadership was expressed in the presentation and clarification of issues from a certain point of view, but ultimately he had no direct say over NAACP policy. His intellectual capacity was never transformed into institutionalised social power through the organisation[26].

Notes

[1] These should be considered as rough bookends only
[2] That is not to say, however, that Du Bois spoke solely on behalf of African Americans. While Du Bois was, to a large degree, “muzzled” by white philanthropists (see chapter three), white liberals of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were essential in the founding of the NAACP. Though no study has successfully characterised the role of white men in the formative years of the NAACP, it is sadly beyond the scope of this investigation to do so.
[3] Du Bois, W.E.B. Souls of Black Folk. New York: Dover. [1903] 1994. p 26
[4] Kilson, Martin. “The Washington and Du Bois Paradigms Reconsidered.” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. 568. (March 2000): p 301-2
[5] Washington, Booker T. Up From Slavery. New York: Dover [1901] 1995. p 107
[6] Ibid. p 109
[7] Moore, Jacqueline M. Booker T. Washington, W.E.B. Du Bois, and the Struggle for Racial Uplift. London: S.R. Books. 2003. p 32
[8] Du Bois, W.E.B. Souls of Black Folk. p 27
[9] Ibid. p 30
[10] This might be a little exaggerated in Washington’s autobiography Up From Slavery. As Moore notes, he was probably not quite the country bumpkin he later portrayed himself to have been. (p23)
[11] Moore, Jacqueline M. p 40
[12] White, John. Black leadership in America: From Booker T. Washington to Jesse Jackson. London: Longman. 1990. p 70
[13] Yancy, Dorothy Couser. “William Edward Burghardt Du Bois’ Atlanta Years: The Human Side – A Study Based upon Oral Sources.” The Journal of Negro History. 63:1. (January 1978): p 65
[14] Moore, Jacqueline M. p 40
[15] Ibid. p 40
[16] Du Bois, W.E.B. Souls of Black Folk. p 30
[17] Ibid. p 32
[18] White, John. p 55
[19] Moore, Jacqueline M. p 78
[20] Ibid. p 85
[21] As listed in Moore, Jacqueline M. p 84
[22] Foner, Philip S. Ed. Paul Robeson Speaks: Writings, Speeches, Interviews, 1918-74. New York: Citadel Press [1978] 1987. p 474
[23] Moore, Jacqueline M. p 85
[24] Du Bois, W.E.B. Darkwater: Voices from Within the Veil. New York: Prometheus Books. [1920] 2003. p 151
[25] Rudwick, Elliot M. “W.E.B. Du Bois in the Role of Crisis Editor.” The Journal of Negro History. 43:3. (July 1958): p 239
[26] Ibid. p 239

Tuesday, April 07, 2009

Education for the Uplift of a Race

When we think of education, we tend to envision the training of boys and girls in practical skills. These being kills which they might go on and use later in life, possibly forming the basis of a career. In this way, we think of education as “training for life”. Central to the educational paradigm of W.E.B. Du Bois, however, was the notion that education should be the training of life. It is my intention to demonstrate in the following pages how the Du Boisian epistemology of education was innovational, in particular when compared to that of his nemesis, Booker T. Washington. Furthermore, I hope to illustrate that, although the Du Boisian epistemology of education was constantly open and responsive to ever-changing historical and cultural needs[1] -- that despite this, the same clear principles ran throughout: the object of education, as Du Bois saw it, was always manhood; the ultimate goal was constantly the development of men. In particular, he sought to create men who could lead the persons of African origin towards to a more enlightened future.

Du Bois called these leading African Americans the ‘Talented Tenth’, a phrase he would substitute later in life and replace with ‘Guiding Hundredth’. The establishment of this guiding few, he argued, should be the principal concern, and should precede the establishment of industrial schools. Once it was in place, these men would be in a more appropriate position to establish adequate schooling for the ‘masses’.

For Du Bois, education was intertwined with culture, history, economic thought, and social & political philosophy; it was the most pressing problem confronting persons of African origin[2].

Du Bois’s ‘Talented Tenth’ theory has been the most divisive feature of his educational paradigm and has intrigued scholars for over a century now. “The Negro race,” it begins, “like all races, is going to be saved by its exceptional men.[3]” We can see from this that Du Bois believes the solution to the problem of education lies within the race itself. The majority of the most important work has to be carried out by the exceptionals from that race; there is only a limited amount white philanthropists can do. With this comes an implicit challenge to Booker T. Washington, who was closely acquainted with the likes of Rockefeller and Carnegie, whom Washington was able to talk into financially supporting Tuskegee and his other policies. Du Bois’s experience with white philanthropists was not so positive[4]. As the opening paragraph continues, it becomes all the more challenging towards Booker T. Washington’s political ideology and to his stance on education[5]. This should be considered very brave when one remembers Booker T. Washington edited the book in which “The Talented Tenth” appears.

With “The Talented Tenth,” Du Bois’s epistemology becomes directly polarised from Washington’s. By emphasising the need for the educating of African Americans to degree level and higher, he is laying the foundations for what we might call a ‘top-down’ model. “The Talented Tenth rises and pulls all that are worth the saving.[6]” The Washington epistemology of education was a ‘bottom-up’ model. It is paradoxical to suggest member of Washington’s Tuskegee Institute could achieve what Washington himself had by attending school there. Washington seemed only too happy to burn the bridges which had carried him to where he was by the turn of the century.

The criteria of what it is to be a part of the talented tenth is explicitly outlined in the essay. As we might expect, the first and most important criterion which has to be met is a college education, although Du Bois probably makes Frederick Douglass exempt from this due to his exceptional circumstances. By the dawn of the twentieth century, Du Bois was banging his fist on the table and demanding the higher education of competent African Americans: “the best and most capable of their youth must be schooled in the colleges and universities of the land.[7]” Du Bois was firmly of the opinion that universities were the only institutions capable of passing on the most important knowledge and culture. “No other invention will suffice,” he wrote, “not even trade and industrial schools.[8]” As Gilroy notes: “Du Bois’s image of the Black University is central to [his] argument. In opposition to Washington’s anti-academic emphasis on the technical, vocational, and practical, he defended the idea of higher learning both as a goal in itself and as the foundation upon which a new educational system must be constructed.[9]”

Furthermore, the ‘top-down’ model does not solely concern itself with education. Indeed, it brings with it the civilising force of pure culture -- something which could not be supplied by Washington’s epistemology. “Was there ever a nation on God’s fair earth civilised from the bottom upward? Never; it is, ever was and ever will be from the top downward that culture filters.[10]” Du Bois places education within his overall thought process, supplementing it with history and culture. This is something Booker T. Washington failed to do.

The second criterion which must be adhered to for one to be a part of the talented tenth centres upon members setting aside their personal goals and making private sacrifices, for the public good of African Americans as a race. This is the distinguishing factor between the talented tenth and the black bourgeois, and made it possible to be educated to degree level and be outside the talented tenth. While some academics have slipped into the habit of using “black middle class” and “talented tenth” interchangeably, the two terms have different connotations (though there can be a degree of overlap)[11].

The talented tenth’s relationship to white principals is a complex one and worthy of study. Du Bois points the finger of blame at the dominant race for casting the black man as a stereotypically lazy lay-about, whose life is mired in crime and decadent behaviour. “A silly nation has made them the rule,[12]” he declares. Du Bois makes it the mission of the talented tenth to prove that black men are, indeed, capable of achieving great goals. Du Bois himself is testament to the possibilities of success in black skin.

Yet instead of writing about his own achievements as exemplification of what African Americans could achieve, Du Bois instead highlighted the life and work of Coleridge-Taylor in Darkwater: Voices from Within the Veil. Forming the first half of “The immortal Child,” this retelling of one of the world’s most famous musicologists of his day is done so in a very Du Boisian way. And by that, I mean it emphasises the ‘Africanness’ of the man, without enforcing stereotypes. “Life to him was neither meat nor drink,” Du Bois tells, “it was creative flame; ideas, plans, melodies glowed within him.[13]”

The selection of someone involved with music should not be understated. In Souls of Black Folk, each chapter begins with bars of music, each one a separate sorrow song. Du Bois’s passion for this music comes out in the final chapter, in which he supplies some of the words to some of the bars. In his summary, Du Bois notes that “the music is far more ancient that the words, and in it we can trace here and there signs of development.[14]” Seventeen years later, Du Bois is telling us about “the tempestuous outpouring of [Coleridge-Taylor’s] spiritual nature.[15]” Du Bois witnesses the (European) training of a man of African origin and he once again hears the texture and spirit of the sorrow songs -- only this time they have benefited from education.

Under the harshness of the institution of slavery, it goes without saying that musical education of any kind was unavailable to the enslaved. According to Du Bois, the wasting of talent and genius which existed then was still manifested in the American psyche in 1920. “We may well talk of the waste of wood and water, of food and fire,” he writes, “but the real and unforgivable waste of modern civilisation is the waste of ability and genius.[16]” Du Bois goes on point out that Coleridge-Taylor was educated in London, and that, sadly, he would most probably have not achieved what he did had he had the misfortune of growing up in the United States. In this way, Du Bois is able to make a strong case for the educating of all African Americans, while emphasising the lacklustre education (so affected by racial discrimination) offered to black people in 1920.

Once he is through reciting the life of Coleridge-Taylor, Du Bois deals briefly with education in a general sense. Nevertheless, his arguments remain the same: “this world has never taken the education of children seriously,[17]” he declares. More specifically, he acknowledges the benefits of education in the ‘modern world’, to use his phrase, but he also criticises it as possessing modern fallacies. He argues for several paragraphs that the monetary cost of education has become of greater importance than the concept of education itself. With the concept being nothing more than epiphenomenal in western society, Du Bois comes to the conclusion that “we have linked money and education inextricably. We assume that only the wealthy have a right to education.[18]” Du Bois draws upon common morals to assert that birth itself is the right to an education, and that money monetary concerns should be only auxiliary.

As has already been conveyed, “The Immortal Child” was published seventeen years after “The Talented Tenth” appeared in The Negro Problem, but prior to both of these Du Bois published “Of the Training of Black Men” in 1903’s Souls of Black Folk. This chapter varies from the two essays I have spoken of previously because it begins with old adages of the meaning of race, with undertones of educational depravity: “The … thought steaming from the death-ship and the curving river is the thought of the older South, -- the sincere and passionate belief that somewhere between men and cattle, God created a tertium quid†, and called it a Negro, -- a clownish, simple creature, at times even lovable within its limitations, but straightly foreordained to walk within the Veil.[19]” In a mocking sense, Du Bois stresses what many scientists seriously believed well into the twentieth century: persons of African descent were uneducated and uneducatable. Palaeontologist Fairfield Osborn, for example, assumed it to be obvious that inequalities of intelligence existed within the taxonomy of race[20]. Du Bois steps away from the concept of race quickly, and does not bother to argue this by citing the opinion of George Combe, who, in the midst of the nineteenth century, believed that “what was needed was a vigorous program of education.[21]”

Instead, Du Bois turns his essay into a synthesis of the two works he would write later on in his life; we can view this work as a foundation for what Du Bois would write later in his career. He details the (recently historical) educating of black men in the United States as follows: “The Negro colleges, hurriedly founded, were inadequately equipped, illogically distributed, and of varying efficiency and grade; the normal and high schools were doing little more than common-school work, and the common schools were training but a third of the children who ought to be in them, and training these too often poorly.[22]” Du Bois paints the picture of disorganised educational practices in shambolic institutions. The underlying interpretation of this passage is that this was so because of a lack of any talented tenth; had these men been educated first, and to the highest possible standard, then they would have been able to establish more efficient educational institutions and with greater logic and thought. Furthermore, it is likely more persons of African descent would have gone on to be educated at a higher level than just an industrial school.

At the turn of the century, many were questioning what was wrong with just educating black people solely with institutions like that of Tuskegee Institute. Again, Du Bois had an adequate response to these people with what he would write seventeen years later; without an education of the highest possible standard in classical music from the Royal Academy of Music, Samuel Coleridge-Taylor would not have evolved in to one of the world’s most respected musicologists. But in April 1903, all Du Bois could do was rely upon what he believed education should be: the training of life, and not training for life: “… we have a right to inquire … if after all the industrial school is the final and sufficient answer in the training of the Negro race: and to ask gently, but in all sincerity, the ever-recurring query of the ages, Is not life more than meat, and the body more than raiment?[23]”


Bibliography

Battle, Juan et al. “W.E.B. Du Bois’s Talented Tenth: A Quantative Assessment.” Journal of Black Studies. 32:6. (July 2002): p 654 – 672.

Du Bois, W.E.B. Darkwater: Voices from Within the Veil. 1920.

Du Bois, W.E.B. Souls of Black Folk. New York: Dover. 1994.

Du Bois, W.E.B. “The Talented Tenth” from The Negro Problem: A Series of Articles by Representative Negroes of Today. 1903

Fitchue, M. Anthony. “Locke and Du Bois: Two Major Black Voices Muzzled by Philanthropic Organisations.” The Journal of Blacks in Higher Education. 14. (Winter 1996): p 111 – 116.

Gates, Henry Louis. The Future of Race.

Gilroy, Paul. The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness. London: Verso. 1993.

Gossett, Thomas F. Race: The History of an Idea in America, New Edition. New York: Oxford University Press. 1997.

Rabaka, Reiland. “W.E.B. Du Bois’s Evolving Africana Philosophy of Education.” Journal of Black Studies. 33:4. (March 2003): p 399 – 449.


Notes

[1] Reiland, Rabaka, p 419
[2] Reiland, Rabaka, p 399
[3] Du Bois, W.E.B. “The Talented Tenth”
[4] For a good analysis of white philanthropic censorship, see Fitchue, M. Anthony. “Locke and Du Bois: Two Major Black Voices Muzzled by Philanthropic Organisations.” The Journal of Blacks in Higher Education. 14. (Winter 1996): p 111 – 116.
[5] Gates, Henry Louis. The Future of Race. P 128
[6] Du Bois, W.E.B. “The Talented Tenth”
[7] Du Bois, W.E.B. “The Talented Tenth”
[8] Ibid.
[9] Gilroy, Paul. The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness. P 121
[10] Du Bois, W.E.B. “The Talented Tenth”
[11] Battle, Juan. P 658
[12] Du Bois, W.E.B. “The Talented Tenth”
[13] Du Bois, W.E.B. Darkwater: Voices from Within the Veil
[14] Du Bois, W.E.B. Souls of Black Folk. [1903] 1994, p 157
[15] Du Bois, W.E.B. Darkwater: Voices from Within the Veil
[16] Ibid.
[17] Du Bois, W.E.B. Darkwater: Voices from Within the Veil
[18] Ibid. † literally, third something; a third something of ambiguous status
[19] Du Bois, W.E.B. Souls of Black Folk. [1903] 1994, p 55
[20] Gossett, Thomas F. Race: The History of an Idea in America, New Edition. p 388
[21] Gossett, Thomas F. Race: The History of an Idea in America, New Edition. p 73
[22] Du Bois, W.E.B. Souls of Black Folk. [1903] 1994, p 58
[23] Du Bois, W.E.B. Souls of Black Folk. [1903] 1994, p 58

Thursday, April 02, 2009

W.E.B. Du Bois on the Meaning of Race

In “The Conservation of Races,” an essay written for the American Negro Academy in 1897, W.E.B. Du Bois defines race to be:

“a vast family of human beings, generally of common blood and language, always of common history, traditions and impulses, who are both voluntarily and involuntarily striving together for the accomplishment of certain more or less vividly conceived ideals of life.[1]”

This definition is vastly different from other definitions of the time. In the late nineteenth century, the emphasis was on the biological element of a racial construction. While Du Bois didn’t completely disregard this, he moved away from a purely Eurocentric way of thinking towards a synthesis of African, Asian and European thought to create his own unique epistemology.

The initial development of this epistemology can be traced through “The Conservation of Races.” In paragraph three, Du Bois insists that scholars should “seriously consider … what is the real meaning of race,[2]” which suggests nothing has been proposed which can be considered a serious conclusive answer.

In the decades prior to 1897, an understanding of race had developed in conjunction with social Darwinism which emphasised the physical. Du Bois was just one of a number of men trying to get beyond this, but the great shift of emphasis from biology to social process as an explanation for cultural differences was a gradual one:[3] this was especially true in the United States, where the idea that the Negroes might be a separate species made a more determined last stand[4]. For his part, Du Bois suggests that the work of Thomas Henry Huxley and Raetzel “is nothing more than an acknowledgment that … the differences between men do not explain all the differences of their history.[5]” Not only did Du Bois (rightly) assume Huxley’s classifications to be overly broad and incomplete[6], he also went on to demonstrate that there was more to races than just the physical.

Du Bois’s searches for a more complex understanding of racial constructions led him away from a European way of thinking, and thus away from the natural sciences. In paragraph nine of “The Conservation of Races,” he states that “the deeper differences are spiritual, psychical, differences – undoubtedly based on the physical, but infinitely transcending them.[7]” Monteiro (2000) interprets Du Bois as understanding “physical and biological race to be … of little scientific significance.[8]” I would not entirely agree. Du Bois uses the work of the biologists of his generation to inform his own beliefs that being of a race is something all men should be proud of. This unquestionably leads men of the Negro race (Du Bois’s linguistic classification) back to the spiritual homeland of Africa. The consequence of this is the liberation of the study of races from white supremacy[9] and from European thought.

Monteiro is correct when he notes that “[Du Bois] failed to see early on in his career … that, rather than science, this research program was ideologically driven.[10]” Du Bois had a point to prove to the white supremacists of his era, and he was only too willing to stress that the American Negro had, like all races, something special and unique to contribute to humanity.

Nowhere is this more evident than in the essay “Of Our Spiritual Strivings,” which forms the opening chapter of Souls of Black Folk. The title itself is worthy of comment. The “our” not only personalizes the strivings, but draws together all the people of the Negro race and gives them a collective identity. This is an identity which does not stereotype everybody as the same, but gives them a set of morals and emotions, as well as a collective history, which sets them apart from the other races of the world.

The utopianism of this collectiveness is tainted by Du Bois’s notion of the veil, which shut out the African American from the white world. Du Bois’s own unwillingness to tear down the veil or peak through it emphasises the unity amongst the people of his race he was hopeful of spreading. Nevertheless, his own observation that he “lived above [the veil] in a region of blue sky and great wandering shadows[11]” allowed him to pass comment on the white world, for which he had no desire to enter. It was there that:

“He was able to see the symbiotic relationship between white and black in America, and he strove to enlighten his white audience as to the specific psychological and economic tensions and bonds that affected both races.[12]” [Brodwin, p 306]

Whilst he did not want to tear down the veil, Du Bois also stressed that for the good of humanity, the end of black striving would only occur once the African American was a “co-worker in the kingdom of culture.[13]” At first, the two desires might seem incompatible with each other, but in fact they marry up very well. The only true way for African Americans to become effective and meaningful workers in any “kingdom of culture” would be to look deep into their souls and into their history and embrace what has been there from the very start: Africa. This self-observation which Du Bois so strongly advocates for his people was critical throughout his writing career. As Brodwin notes, “this passive transcendence [of the veil] enabled Du Bois to reflect upon his own inner life and that of his race.[14]”

In 1897’s “The Conservation of Races” Du Bois states:

“No Negro who has given earnest thought to the situation of his people in America has failed, at some time in life, to find himself at these cross-roads; has failed to ask himself at some time: What, after all, am I? Am I an American or am I a Negro? Can I be both?[15]”

Within the souls of black men lies Africa. And in Africa lies the great contribution of the Negro race to world civilisation and to world culture. One of the main reasons Africa itself is so special is because it is not Europe. For centuries beforehand, European history was taken as world history. The only role Africa ever seemed to play in “world” history was when it was colonised by the white men of Europe. Du Bois touched upon this in 1920. Of Sir Henry M. Stanley, he wrote: “Down the dark forests of inmost Africa sailed this modern Sir Galahad, in the name of "the noble-minded men of several nations," to introduce commerce and civilization.[16]” Now, however, the Negro was (legally) free in America and in his blood he had a different history to tell the world. But in order for him to enlighten the world, he first had to discover it himself.

The particular question above of exactly what the African American is in the United States grew into Du Bois’s most famous concept, namely double consciousness.

In the early twentieth century, Du Bois constantly used the idea of double consciousness to characterise issues of race. While this use was provocative and unanticipated[17], it was only made possible by a self-understanding of racial identity. In the opening chapter of Souls, Du Bois talks of “two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body,[18]” which create a unique tension in the souls of men of the Negro race.

The first consciousness, of being an American, is the most tangible and the most accessible to African Americans. The second consciousness is less so. The elements which represent the American consciousness of the African American are physical in nature. Africa is represented by the psychical components of the second consciousness, as illustrated in figure 1:

American
Birth
Citizenship
Political ideals
Language
Religion
---------------------------------------------
Being Of The Negro Race
History
Culture
Cultural ideals
African Spirituality
* Figure 1 The Consciences of the African American

The above diagram locates the representative concepts of the second consciousness directly below those of the immediate consciousness. This is not to make the American consciousness of greater importance: the different nature of the two allows both consciousnesses to be active at the same time. Over the years, the element of religion has passed from one consciousness to the other, but today a larger number of African Americans once more practice Christianity than any other religion.

While Du Bois was uncritical of the white religion in “The Conservation of Races” (he merely commented religion to be an ‘Americanism’ of the Negro race), he had developed a strong outspoken opinion of it by 1920. As Zuckerman has commented: “Du Bois's religious identity developed from that of a faithful Christian to a sceptical agnostic.[19]” In “The Souls of White Folk,” Du Bois lambastes “the utter failure of white religion”. What irritates him the most is the impact of Christianity upon Africa: “… the extraordinary self-deception of white religion is epitomized: solemnly the white world sends five million dollars worth of missionary propaganda to Africa each year.[20]” Here, the boundary between the two consciousnesses of the black man in America becomes blurred. The white religion is, in the eyes of Du Bois at least, slipping into Africa where it does not belong and whitening the second consciousness.

The core of what Du Bois wrote in 1897 and 1903 remained true in 1920, when he published “The Souls of White Folk” as the third chapter of Darkwater: Voices from Within the Veil. He still believed that the Negro race should not crave whiteness, asking rhetorically as he does “what on Earth is whiteness that one should so desire it?[21]”

In many respects, Du Bois develops his ideas to another level, and finds new ways of expressing them. He asserts early on in the essay that he considers whiteness to be ownership of the universe. And with that ownership, comes the manipulation of the universe’s history, so that children are taught that everything great in the world is white. In paragraph six of “The Conservation of Races,” Du Bois states that “the history of the world is the history, not of individuals … but of races.[22]” The underlying theme of “The Souls of White Folk,” then, is the white man’s totalitarianism, and with that comes the extinction from memory of the history of the Negro race. Common history, it may be recalled, was a distinguishing feature of Du Bois’s definition of what a race is, cited at the beginning of this chapter.

The white advance into Africa, Du Bois fears, is damaging to the black identity. The European theory, he suggests is as follows: “It is the duty of white Europe to divide up the darker world and administer it for Europe's good.[23]” This poses great dangers to the African people who now live in the west: European expansion in to Africa envelopes (and to a certain extent extinguishes) what it is, and what it means, to be of African descent.

If this advance continues, fears Du Bois, then so does the spreading of the white ideology, which he outlines all too clearly:

“Everything great, good, efficient, fair, and honourable is "white"; everything mean, bad, blundering, cheating, and dishonourable is "yellow"; a bad taste is "brown"; and the devil is "black".[24]”

The consequences of such a philosophy are obvious. One of the central concerns Du Bois might have would be the killing off of the culture of Africa. Further on in the essay, he talks of a “silent revolution” in modern European culture in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries, in which “Africa was dead, India conquered, Japan isolated, and China prostrate.[25]” Du Bois highlights the domination of the white world and white culture outside of Africa. The history of the world, he said, was the history of races and in recent years past this history was again being made in the very same way.

But the black man in America, Du Bois was aware, faced a unique set of circumstances. Never before in modern history had such a large number of people of one race been forced half way around the world against their will to work as slaves for four hundred years. They could not align their struggle with people of other races. Du Bois was writing in the immediate years following the Emancipation Proclamation, while memories of the Civil War were still vivid in the minds of Americans. He urged unity amongst people ‘of the Negro race’, at a time when they were facing blatant disfranchisement.

African Americans could be unified by the (physical) colour of their skin, but for it to mean something they would have to go through a process of self-observation. Double consciousness is only made possible by an understanding of racial identity through the self. In “The Souls of White Folk” Du Bois states that “a belief in humanity is a belief in coloured men.[26]” To believe in humanity is to believe that persons of Du Bois’s race have something to offer civilisation which cannot be gained from any other race in the world.


Bibliography

Brodwin, Stanley. “The Veil Transcended: Form and Meaning in W.E.B. Du Bois’ ‘The Souls of Black Folk’.” Journal of Black Studies. 2:3. (March 1972): p 303 – 321.

Bruce, Dickinson D. Jr. “W.E.B. Du Bois and the Idea of Double Consciousness.” American Literature. 64:2. (June 1992): p 299 – 309.

Du Bois, W.E.B. Darkwater: Voices from Within the Veil. 1920.

Du Bois, W.E.B. Souls of Black Folk. New York: Dover. [1903] 1994.

Du Bois, W.E.B. “The Conservation of Races.” 1897.

Monteiro, Anthony. “Being an African in the World: The Du Boisian Epistemology.” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. 568. (March 2000): p 220 – 234.

Zuberi, Tukufu. “Introduction: The Study of African American Problems.” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. 568. (March 2000): p 09 – 12.

Zuckerman, Phil. “The Sociology of Religion of W.E.B. Du Bois.” Sociology of Religion. 63:2. (Summer 2002): p 239 – 253.


Notes

[1] Du Bois, W.E.B. “The Conservation of Races.” 1897. p 32.
[2] Ibid. p 21.
[3] Gossett, Thomas F. Race: The History of an Idea in America, New Edition. p 416
[4] Ibid., p 58
[5] Du Bois, W.E.B. “The Conservation of Races.” 1897. p 32.
[6] Scientists today are aware that the diversity of man in Africa alone is greater than the diversity of Mankind in the rest of the world put together. For a list of other nineteenth century anthropologists and their respective numering of human races, see Gossett, Thomas F. Race: The History of an Idea in America, New Edition. p 82
[7] Du Bois, W.E.B. “The Conservation of Races.” 1897. p 33.
[8] Monteiro, Anthony. “Being an African in the World: The Du Boisian Epistemology.” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. 568. (March 2000): p 221.
[9] This is an observation also made by Monteiro, p 221.
[10] Monteiro, Anthony. “Being an African in the World: The Du Boisian Epistemology.” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. 568. (March 2000): p 225.
[11] Du Bois, W.E.B. Souls of Black Folk. [1903] 1994, p 2.
[12] Brodwin, Stanley. “The Veil Transcended: Form and Meaning in W.E.B. Du Bois’ “Souls of Black Folk”.” Journal of Black Studies. 2:3. (March 1972): p 306.
[13] Du Bois, W.E.B. Souls of Black Folk. [1903] 1994, p 3.
[14] Brodwin, Stanley. “The Veil Transcended: Form and Meaning in W.E.B. Du Bois’ “Souls of Black Folk”.” Journal of Black Studies. 2:3. (March 1972): p 307.
[15] Du Bois, W.E.B. “The Conservation of Races.” 1897. p 35.
[16] Du Bois, W.E.B. Darkwater: Voices from Within the Veil. 1920.
[17] Bruce, Dickinson D. Jr. “W.E.B. Du Bois and the Idea of Double Consciousness.” American Literature. 64:2. (June 1992): p 300
[18] Du Bois, W.E.B. Souls of Black Folk. [1903] 1994, p 2
[19] Zuckerman, Phil. “The Sociology of Religion of W.E.B. Du Bois.” Sociology of Religion. 63:2. (Summer 2002): p 241
[20] Du Bois, W.E.B. “The Souls of White Folk.” Darkwater: Voices from Within the Veil. 1920.
[21] Ibid.
[22] Du Bois, W.E.B. “The Conservation of Races.” 1897. p 32.
[23] Du Bois, W.E.B. “The Souls of White Folk.” Darkwater: Voices from Within the Veil. 1920.
[24] Ibid.
[25] Ibid.
[26] Du Bois, W.E.B. “The Souls of White Folk.” Darkwater: Voices from Within the Veil. 1920.